奥巴马卸任演讲（三）

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we doubled our renewable energy, we’ve led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions. Waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

拿应对气候变化的挑战来说。仅仅八年时间，我们对国外石油的依赖减少了一半，而且让新能源使用增长了一倍。我们引领世界达成了一项拯救地球的协定。但是如果没有大胆的行动，我们的子孙后代将没有机会讨论气候变化是否存在。他们将忙于处理后果：越来越多的自然灾难，越来越多的经济混乱，以及一波又一波寻求庇护的环境难民。

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of this country. The essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

现在，我们可以而且应该讨论解决问题的最佳方案。简单地忽视这个问题不仅是背叛未来一代，还背叛了指导建国先贤们的创新和实用的解决问题的基本精神。

It’s that spirit. It is that spirit born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

正是这种精神，让我们成为了经济强国——这种精神让莱特兄弟在 Kitty Hawk飞起第一架飞机，这种精神治愈了疾病，还将电脑放进每一个人的口袋里。

It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but build on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, and speech and assembly, and an independent press.

正是这种精神——一种对理性、创业精神和权利高于强权的信念，使我们能在大萧条期间，抵御法西斯主义的暴政和诱惑，与其它民主国家一起建立二战后的秩序。这种力量不仅仅是基于军事力量或国家之间的关系，而是建立在信条之上——法律、人权、宗教自由、言论、集会自由和新闻自由的权利。

That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

这种秩序正面临挑战——首先是自称为伊斯兰发声的暴徒，最近是一些国家独裁者，他们把自由市场、开放民主和公民社会视为是他们权力的威胁。每一个举动对我们民主的威胁，都远大于一个汽车炸弹或导弹;它反映了我们对改变的畏惧;对长相不同、语言不同或信仰不同的人们的畏惧;对限制领导人的法律规章的蔑视;对异议和自由思想的零容忍;转而相信刀剑、武器或炸弹、宣传机器才是最终的，也是最真确的仲裁者。

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. And all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude

正是因为身着制服的男女们的非凡勇气，我们的情报人员和执法人员，以及支持他们的外交官们，过去 8 年，没有任何外国恐怖组织成功在我们的国土上策划和实施袭击。尽管波士顿、奥兰多和圣贝纳迪多还是胡德堡的枪击案都在提醒我们激进有多危险，但我们的执法机构比以前任何时候都更有效，更警惕。我们除掉了数以万计的恐怖分子——包括本·拉登。我们领导的对抗 ISIL 的全球联盟已经消灭了他们的领导人，并且控制了他们大半的土地。ISIL 会被消灭的，任何威胁美国的人将永无宁日。对所有服役或曾经服役的人，作为你们的最高指挥官是我一生的荣幸。我对你们怀有深深的感激之情。

But protecting our way of life, that’s not just the job of our military, Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, work to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim-Americans. Who are just as patriotic as we are. That’s why. That’s why we cannot withdraw...That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. That’s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism, are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

但是，保卫我们的生活并不仅仅是军队的工作。当我们向恐惧妥协时，民主就是最后一道防线。所以，我们，作为公民，必须保持对外部侵略的警惕，同时我们也必须警惕价值观的衰落。这是让我们成为我们自己的东西。这也是为什么，过去 8 年，我一直致力于为打击恐怖主义建立牢固的法律基础。这是为什么我们结束虐囚，准备关闭关塔那摩监狱，改革政府监视法律来保护隐私和公民自由的理由;这是为什么我抵制歧视穆斯林美国人的理由，他们是和我们一样的爱国者;这是为什么我们不能放弃的理由，这是我们不能放弃在全球范围内力争扩大民主，维护人权，维护妇女和 LGBT 群体的权利——不管我们的努力有多不完善，不管这些工作的价值在短期内会多么被忽视，这是保卫美国的一部分。对极端主义、不包容、宗派主义、沙文主义的斗争，和对独裁主义及国家侵略的斗争，均属同一阵线。如果自由的范围和对法律的尊重出现全球性受挫，内战和国家之间出现战争的可能性就会增加，我们自己的自由也会逐渐被威胁。

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

所以我们要更加警惕，但不是害怕。ISIL 会企图杀害无辜平民，但除非我们在斗争中背叛宪法和我们的信条，否则他们赢不了美国。俄罗斯或中国这样的对手，不足以匹配我们在世界的影响力——除非我们放弃主张，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。

Which brings me to my final point. Our democracy, our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

我将表达最后一个观点。每当我们认为理所当然时，我们的民主就受到威胁。我们所有人，不论属于哪一个党派，都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。当美国的开单率是发达民主国家中最低时，我们应该让它变得简单点，不要太复杂；当对机构信任度很低时，我们应该减少货币对我们政治的腐蚀性影响；坚持透明和道德的公共服务原则；当国会功能失调时，我们应该吸引我们的国会选区，鼓励政客适应常识。而不是僵硬的极端。

But remember, none of this happens on its own.

但要记住，这些都不会自己发生。

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power to be swings.

所有这些都取决于我们的参与度，取决于我们每个人对公民责任的接受度，不管权利的钟摆如何摆动。

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make. And the alliances that we forge, whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That’s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

我们的宪法是一部卓越而出色的礼物。但它只是一张羊皮纸，其本身并无力量。是我们人民赋予它力量，是我们人民用参与度和选择，赋予它意义。无论我们是否拥护我们的自由，无论我们是否尊重和加强法律条文，都有我们决定，美国从不软弱，但我们通往自由之路的旅程依旧不确定。

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” And so we have to preserve this truth with jealous anxiety, that we should reject the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest. Or to enfeeble the sacred ties that make us one.

在乔治·华盛顿的告别演讲中，他写到：民主自治是我们安全繁荣和自由的基石。但“从不同的原因和不同的方面，这会产生痛苦……现实会削弱你心中的信念，这时我们应该用”唯恐失去的焦虑“来应对。我们应该防微杜渐，拒绝“任何分裂我们国家分裂的企图”，并保持团结一致。

America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are even willing to enter into public service, so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others. When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

当我们放任政治对话变得肮脏腐朽，良好品格的人甚至宁愿进入一些公共服务行业，粗暴而又充满敌意。我们不赞同的那些美国人，不仅误导而且满怀恶意。当我们非要就“谁更美国”分出高下之时，我们就被变弱了。尤其是当我们因为腐败而不得不关停整个政府系统，并责怪我们选举的领导人，却不反省自己在这场选举所扮演的角色。

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most import office in a democracy: Citizen. Citizen.

我们焦虑而戒备地捍卫着我们在民族，拥抱着我们的使命，最小继续改善我们伟大的国家。因为即便有再多外在差异，我们仍然有着同一个值得骄傲的头衔，民主最核心的一部分：公民。